We twitted CHP officers in an editorial last month because they
were poised to collect a pay raise while other state employees were being
furloughed, effectively cutting their pay 15 percent. Well, credit where credit
is due, the union representing CHP officers has reached an agreement to forgo
pay raises over the next two years, according to a report on the Sacramento Bee's
state worker blog.
CHP officers benefit from a provision of state law that ties
their pay to the average wage paid by five of the state's largest law
enforcement agencies. From their perspective, it beats negotiating. For those
picking up the bill, it means that the state's means aren't a factor in setting
pay scales. The law still ought to be changed, but I'll try to stick to the
speed limit more often in recognition of CHP officers doing the right thing.
I was part of the press pack trailing Ted Kennedy a number of
times, and I'm not sure I've seen another politician with such celebrity
presence. I understand Ronald Reagan had it too, but he was president and
deep inside the bubble the few times I covered him.
I claim no special insights into Kennedy, who was an
out-of-town pol on a California
campaign swing whenever I encountered him, but he's today's headline, and a
couple of anecdotes stand out in my mind.
In 1986, my first year as full-time political
correspondent, Kennedy came to California to stump for Alan Cranston, a fellow liberal who was at
peril of losing his Senate seat to a moderate Silicon Valley congressman
named Ed Zschau after running poorly in a presidential bid two years earlier.
Following an early morning appearance in Los
Angeles, we caught a commercial flight to Oakland for another rally. Practically every
head turned and there was an audible buzz, "Hey, wasn't that Ted Kennedy?" as he
headed down the aisle of the crowded PSA jet, trailed by a couple aides and about a dozen reporters.
During the flight, we pinned Kennedy near the restrooms in
the rear of the plane for a short press conference. Someone asked him about a
comment by political consultant Bob Shrum that's become my favorite description
of California elections: "A campaign rally in California is three people
sitting around a TV set."
Shrum is a former Kennedy staffer, and when the question
came, Kennedy guffawed and shouted across the plane in his Boston brogue, "Can you believe it? These
guys want me to comment on my press secretary."
The last time I saw Kennedy was at Democratic National
Convention in Los Angeles nine years ago, when
he sang "Guadalajara" with a Mariachi band at a closing-day
rally for California
delegates who were beginning to seem more enthusiastic about Green party
nominee Ralph Nader than fellow Democrat Al Gore, perhaps foreshadowing the
outcome of the election.
That, coincidentally, was the last news article I wrote for
this newspaper before moving full-time to the night city desk, where I worked
for eight years before becoming an editorial writer last spring.
A recurring theme of recent letters is the failure of Reps.
Lynn Woolsey and Mike Thompson to hold local town hall meetings on health care.
We joined the chorus in an editorial last week, prompting Thompson's staff to
complain that he had one in Covelo (with signs posted on the street to announce
it) and Woolsey defenders noting that she attended one at The Sea Ranch (though
she wasn't the sponsor).
Woolsey's office just announced that she will host a town
hall meeting on health care at 6 p.m. Monday at the PetalumaVeteransBuilding, 1094 Petaluma
Blvd. S. The announcement said she'll take questions for about two hours.
"We have been talking about health care with voters at
numerous public events across the 6th District, in a telephone town hall
meeting, and in many of the 5,000 e-mail, letter and phone inquiries our office
answers every week," Woolsey said in a written statement. "A town hall, which
has been requested by some constituents, is another way to continue the
dialogue on this important issue."
Will Thompson follow for the portion of Sonoma County that he represents?
Charles Krauthammer writes today about the "death panel"
issue, shooting down the worst invective while insisting that if docs were
reimbursed for end-of-life discussions, they would have an incentive to press
patients to skip treatment and die sooner.
On Sunday, we'll have an op-ed from a local lawyer about his
experience with a couple who prepared advanced directives before encountering a
potentially terminal illness.
So, let me tell you about my experience.
My father was diagnosed as terminally ill in April, and my
family went through five weeks of fear, confusion, unity and grief. Well, the
grief has lasted more than five weeks.
But during those five weeks, we had several sessions that
certainly would fall within the scope of the "death panel" debate - and they
were among the most humane moments in a situation that no one is adequately
prepared for.
I don't know if the doctors, case managers, nutritionists
and nurses we met with were reimbursed or not; my dad was covered by Medicare.
Three different doctors who were involved in his care
explained treatment (and non-treatment) options, answered all our questions and
made themselves available by phone for further questions, or for family members
who weren't able to be present for the appointments. I don't think any of felt
as if we were directed toward a particular option.
We also met twice with a team at the convalescent hospital
to go over his condition and care. Again, we got all the time we needed. Our
questions were answered. Information was provided, and our wishes were
followed.
Of course, it helped that we understood my dad's wishes.
So, have other people had different, less satisfactory
experiences? Sure.
Do I believe for a minute that ensuring doctors were
reimbursed for this time would lead to death panels, mandatory euthanasia and
Soylent Green? No. I wish I believed this was all cynical political posturing,
but there are some gullible people out there.
Since the story broke about SonomaStateUniversity
making development loans from its academic foundation, I've wondered about Santa RosaJunior College.
The disclosure and the subsequent uproar came as SRJC was
asking for donations to its "Bridge the Doyle" program, which aims to make up
for some of the Doyle Scholarships lost when Exchange Bank cut off its stock dividends
last year.
The dividends funded the Doyle program, which handed out about
4,000 scholarships annually, each worth $1,000 - about $76 million altogether over
58 years.
SRJC President Robert Agrella hosted our editorial board for
lunch today, and he told us that his school's foundation doesn't make loans and
only recently began dabbling in anything riskier than stocks. The board adopted
a policy last year allowing investments of up to 5 percent of its money in
hedge funds, Agrella said..
The foundation, by the way, lost 18 percent of its value in the
past year - an ugly number but better than many investment funds.
Agrella said some donors have asked about the foundation's investment
policy, but he doesn't think the SSU situation has had any impact. As for the "Bridging
the Doyle" program, it has brought in a little more than $200,000.
Agrella said it may fund 400 scholarships worth $500, or 500
scholarships worth $400.
You can donate via the school's Web site, www.santarosa.edu/bridging-the-doyle.
If you've been around politics for more than a nanosecond,
you've heard Jesse Unruh's oft-quoted line, "Money is the mother's milk of
politics." Well, if mid-year fund-raising reports are any guide, state Sen. Pat
Wiggins may have been orphaned.
The Santa Rosa Democrat opened a re-election account for
2010, but records filed with the secretary of state show that she raised less
money than any other state senator eligible to run for re-election next year,
in most cases considerably less money. She also raised less money than all but one
of the senators eligible to seek re-election in 2012.
In fact, her $49,014 haul for the first six months of 2009 is less than the $51,500
raised by Assemblywoman Noreen Evans, D-Santa Rosa, for a state Senate committee
she has formed for the 2014 election.
The obvious question is whether Wiggins is serious about
seeking re-election.
Unfortunately, she's been hard to find and harder to talk to
since her outburst in a legislative committee hearing a year ago. Her erratic
behavior was the subject on an editorial in The Press Democrat last August. A
similar editorial appeared last week in the Napa Valley Register.
Wiggins has declined interview requests, and staffers have
blocked reporters seeking to questions her on the Senate floor on in Capitol
hallways, so it's hard to know what her intentions really are. I called Wiggins
for this report. Her husband - and campaign treasurer - called back and brushed
off questions about her fund-raising, while saying she plans to run for another
term next year.
Wiggins once was a prodigious fund-raiser, banking $200,000 without
the benefit of incumbency to scare off any challengers in the Democratic
primary in 2006, effectively winning the seat, given the political realities of
Northern California. As recently as last year,
she raised $191,000, pumping more than half of that money into the campaigns of
other Democrats.
If Wiggins is serious about raising money for re-election,
she not only is an incumbent but she's a member of the Government Organization
Committee, which despite its innocuous name has jurisdiction over alcohol, tobacco
and gambling.
Perhaps a better question is whether local Democrats will allow
her to run unchallenged once again.
A federal court order to free 40,000 inmates from California prisons may be
a gift to state lawmakers.
The state budget package approved last week includes $1.2
billion in unidentified savings from the prison system, but the deal nearly
blew up when details leaked that 27,000 inmates would be released early to
achieve the savings. Republican lawmakers insisted they weren't party to the
agreement and threatened to withhold their votes if the budget meant early
releases.
The potential stalemate was broken by a last-minute deal to
postpone any formal decisions on the prison savings. Of course, that just meant
putting off the fight until lawmakers return from their summer recess. Then, if
the votes weren't there to cut prison spending, the budget would be thrown out
of balance (which could very well happen anyway).
But on Tuesday, a three-judge panel of federal judges gave
the state two years to reduce the prison population by 40,000 inmates - about 50
percent more than the scuttled budget plan. The judges are presiding over a
constitutional challenge to health care provided for the state's 168,000 prison
inmates. The state's prisons are designed to hold about 80,000 inmates.
Appeals are likely, but releasing parole violators and
non-violent offenders early is bound to be a lot less expensive than the new
prison hospitals and related health facilities previously ordered by the
federal judges.
They won't admit it, but saving big money without taking a
tough vote will look good to legislators in both parties.
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